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This page will be a list of academic articles concerning [[nonbinary gender]].
==Feminism/Queer Theory==
*''[http://www.palgrave-journals.com/fr/journal/v101/n1/abs/fr201153a.html Trans- bodies in/of war(s): cisprivilege and contemporary security strategy]'' - [https://web.archive.org/web/20170712084708/https://research.unsw.edu.au/people/associate-professor-laura-shepherd Shepard, L.J.] & [https://web.archive.org/web/20170608230315/http://polisci.ufl.edu/laura-sjoberg/ Sjoberg, L.], 2012.
::;Summary:
<blockquote>The authors discuss [[genderqueer]] and [https://web.archive.org/web/20170707025952/http://nonbinary.org/wiki/Transgender trans*] invisibility in traditional historical narratives. This invisibility is then contrasted with the 'hypervisibility' thrust upon trans* and genderqueer people when they are subjected to security searches based on a system of binary gender.</blockquote>
::;Key Points:
::*Various historical figures have expressed signs of gender fluidity, including Edward Hyde, the first Colonial Governor of New York, who "frequently appeared in public wearing women's clothing", and Captain John Robbins, a British military officer in colonial Maine, who "had both a brilliant war record and a desire to dress in fine dresses and gowns".
::*Despite this, genderqueer and trans* people have historically been assumed to make up a minority, and have typically only been mentioned in the context of deceiving others (for example, female-bodied people who 'pretended to be men' in order to join the military in various wars).
::*This historical invisibility is a major factor in perpetuating [http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cisgender_privilege cisgender privilege]. As a result of this privilege, genderqueer bodies are rarely taken into account in studies of security.
::*The use of full-body scanners at airports, along with passports that assume binary gender, leads to a "hypervisibility" of genderqueer and trans* bodies in which they are scrutinised in a negative manner. Security systems based on binary gender further feed into the societal perception of trans* people as 'dishonest', or 'pretending' to be of different sex, as well as leading to increased with of transphobic harassment and suspicion.
::*The authors emphasise the importance of discussing these issues as part of a wider deconstruction of cisgender privilege:
::<blockquote>"If it is analytically and conceptually productive to see transphobic violence as the violent reproduction of a stable sex/gender system that ‘naturally’ privileges cisgender performances because such performances are associated with normality and safety and trans- performances are associated with danger and discomfort, it then becomes possible to ask questions about the ways that trans-in(/hyper)visibility, cisprivilege and a regulative, exclusionary ontopolitical social order are violently reproduced in inter/transnational relations."</blockquote>
::'''Published In:''' ''[http://www.feminist-review.com/ Feminist Review]''
::'''Access:''' Institutional login available
*''[http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1527-2001.2009.01045.x/abstract;jsessionid=2DF9E5BDC51183501A59627A8135314D.f03t03 Resisting Definition: Gendering through Interaction and Relational Selfhood]'' - [http://alexisshotwell.com/ Shotwell, A.] &amp; [http://wgss.artsci.wustl.edu/people/trevor-sangrey Sangrey, T.], 2009.
::;Summary:
<blockquote>Discussion of the ways in which awareness of genderqueer and trans* people cause others to question their own [https://web.archive.org/web/20161203134242/http://nonbinary.org/wiki/Gender_identity gender identities]. Also highlights various archetypes and misconceptions that tend to be used in discourse about trans* and genderqueer issues, and discusses points for and against the use of the word 'cisgender' to describe non-trans* people.</blockquote>
::;Key Points:
::*Awareness of trans* and genderqueer people affects the development of other people's gender identities.
::*Feminist discussions, as well as those in other academic and activist spaces, tend to focus on trans* and genderqueer people as either a generalised 'gender menace' or the opposite - a 'gender salvation'.
::*Discussion of trans* people often use a narrow understanding of gender that prioritises dominant social identities, and objectifies trans* individuals as abstract representations of how to think about gender relations:
:::*Trans* identities are frequently medicalised, and lived experiences are overlooked.
:::*Anti-trans* narratives often include implications of delusion (e.g. the "fifty-year-old man in a dress"; the "teen who thinks she's trans*").
::::*Genderqueers and trans* men tend to be portrayed as a form of 'masculinist' "social climbing";  a symptom of 'patriarchy-induced false consciousness'.
::::*Trans* women are often framed as men attempting to infiltrate women's spaces.
::::*There is a tendency to treat trans* people as a 'threat', which centres the discussion on how to police gender boundaries, rather than on how to oppose gendered violence. Gendered oppression is made the only thing that matters, making white cis women more comfortable, whilst pushing out women who are 'othered'.
::*[[Eli Clare]] (2007) argues that "transness" is not an individual, curable medical problem, but a broader societal issue stemming from society's refusal to accept a diverse range of body types and expressions of gender.<ref>[https://web.archive.org/web/20091113020853/http://eliclare.com/what-eli-offers/lectures/shame-pride Excerpt from "Body Shame, Body Pride: Lessons from the Disability Rights Movement"] (2007) [Access date: 22/03/2020], through the Wayback Machine.</ref>
::*Certain feminists (e.g. [http://uppitybiscuit.wordpress.com/2007/01/19/do-not-call-me-cisgender-you-do-not-have-my-permission-to-name-me/ Uppity Biscuit, 2007)] have expressed anger about the use of the word 'cisgender' to 'oppress' non-trans women - the authors cite this as an example of policing of gender boundaries, as well as an example of how gender transgression motivates non-trans* people to examine their own gender identities.
:::*Uppity Biscuit (2007) argues that since 'cisgender' is not a name women have taken on for themselves, trans* people are forcibly renaming women in a way that she claims is homologous to the way in which women are oppressed by the patriarchy.
:::*Proponents of the term argue that 'cisgender' as a concept is a useful tool to point out that gender is experienced differently by non-trans* women than by trans* women.
:::*The idea is discussed that the existence of trans* people "creates non-trans people as something new". Non-trans* women have been placed in relationship to trans* women, causing them to question what it means to identify and be identified, as a woman.
::*The authors propose that feminists could instead take a relational view of gender, in terms of how trans* people can affect and change the meaning of gender for non-trans* people.
:::*Gender is formed partially through interactions with others.
:::*The anxieties and desires projected onto trans* identity by non-trans* people should be examined in terms of the *projector's* identity.
:::*Self-identification is, at its heart, a kind of relationality that is constantly in flux; it begins with the identity a person chooses, but this choice is never separate from the various other factors that influence self-formation.
:::* Idea of self-identification as a narrative which allows, for example, a woman to still identify as a lesbian if their FAAB partner transitions, because of narrative context.
::'''Published In:''' ''[http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/journal/10.1111/(ISSN)1527-2001  Hypatia-a Journal of Feminist Philosophy]''
::'''Access:''' Institutional login available
==Psychology==
*''[http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19419899.2013.830640 Queering gender: studying gender identity in 'normative' individuals]'' - [http://www.tandfonline.com/author/Joel%2C+D Joel, D.], [http://www.tandfonline.com/author/Tarrasch%2C+R Tarrasch, R.], [http://www.tandfonline.com/author/Berman%2C+Z Berman, Z.], [http://www.tandfonline.com/author/Mukamel%2C+M Mukamel, M.], &amp; [http://www.tandfonline.com/author/Ziv%2C+E Ziv, E.], 2014.
::;Summary:
<blockquote>An online survey was carried out to assess gender identity, gender dysphoria, and gender performance in both 'normative' men and women and "queers" (people who self-described as either transgender or "other") in Israel. The questionnaire used - the Multi-Gender Identity Questionnaire, or Multi-GIQ - was newly constructed (although it was based on existing measures), and was designed to measure different degrees of multiple genders ('man', 'woman', 'both' and 'neither') existing within the same individual. The findings were compared to a student sample, also in Israel, in order to discern whether findings might generalise to the rest of the country's population. Sexual orientation was also assessed in both samples.</blockquote>
::;Key Findings:
::*"Feeling as a man" and "Feeling as a woman" were negatively correlated. Self-described men felt more like men than women did, and vice versa; "queers" scored in-between.
::*Some men felt more like a woman than some women, and vice versa.
::*33% of men, 33% of women, and 76% of "queers" felt both like a man and a woman to some degree. Many "queers" felt an equal degree of identification with 'man' and 'woman', whereas most women felt more like a woman than a man (and vice versa).
::*On average, "queers" were more likely to "experience themselves as two genders" (either feeling more like a man some days and more like a woman on others, or feeling somewhere in-between, or a combination of the two) than men and women.
::*No differences were found between heterosexual men and women.
::*Homosexual and bisexual people felt more like the 'other' gender, more like 'two genders', and more like 'belonging to neither gender' than heterosexual people (though "queers" were not included in this comparison, due to a lack of heterosexual "queer" participants).
::*Homosexual and bisexual women felt less like their affirmed gender than heterosexual women. This difference was not found in men.
::*The more a participant "felt as" one gender, the more they felt affirmed in that gender or wished to be that gender, and the less they felt content as or wished to be the 'other' gender.
::*"Feeling as two genders" and "Feeling as no gender" was positively correlated with the wish to be the 'other' gender, and negatively correlated with being content with the affirmed gender.
::*"Queers" disliked their bodies (Assessed using statements such as: "I disliked my male body"/"I dislike my female body") more than men and women did. No relationship was found between sexual orientation and discomfort with one's body.
::*"Queers" saw gender as performative more than men and women did; women saw gender as performative more than men did. Homosexual and bisexual people saw gender as performative more than heterosexual people did.
::*Men were more compliant with gender expectations relating to language and dress than women; both were more compliant than "queers". Heterosexual people were also more compliant than homosexual and bisexual people. For dress, this difference was larger for women, and for language, the difference was larger for men.
::*"Normative" participants also scored more highly than expected on items relating to gender dysphoria: 36.6% of "non-queers" said they sometimes feel like the 'other' gender (with 24% giving scores above 1), 63.7% sometimes wished to be the 'other' gender (and 34% above 1), 49% did not always wear clothes 'appropriate' to their sex (26% below 3) and 41.9% were sometimes discontent with their sexed body (52% above 1).
::*Analysis of the student sample found similar results to the online sample (but there are some caveats - see 'Limitations').
::;Limitations:
::*Neither sample was random. The similar findings between the two samples indicate that the findings may be generalisable, but the student sample was itself not very representative, containing too few men, "queers", homosexual people and bisexual people for comparisons to be made with the main sample regarding those groups. Therefore, the only comparisons made between the two samples were those concerning heterosexual women.
::*Bisexual and homosexual participants were grouped together, as were transgender and "other" participants; future research should use larger sample sizes to examine the gender identities of these groups separately.
::*All participants were Israeli, and most were Jewish; findings may therefore not generalise to other ethnicities and cultures.
::*The questionnaire, though it did try to assess non-binary experience, did so by asking questions about 'feeling as a man' and 'feeling as a woman', and did not assess "quality or content" of experiences of gender. Therefore, they could only assess aspects of gender identity that are defined by degrees of 'maleness' and 'femaleness'. However, this did enable the researchers to reach out to normative individuals who might not have engaged with the survey had it used more "queer" phrasing.
::*Since the questionnaire, and this study of gender identity as both man and woman in 'normative' individuals is novel, the convergent and predictive validity of the Multi-GIQ could not be demonstrated. However, comparing results with studies that contained some, though not all, relevant measures showed similar results. Also, the Multi-GIQ should have content validity, as it was heavily based on questionnaires used commonly to assess gender identity and dysphoria regarding a single gender identity. Furthermore, the study found predicted differences in gender identity between men and women, and between self-identified trans people and self-identified men and women.
::;Implications for Future Research:
::*The negative correlation between 'feeling as a man' and 'feeling as a woman' was not as high as would be expected if 'man' and 'woman' are opposing poles. The results instead support theories which view masculinity and femininity as separate, independent attributes.
::*Sexual orientation was more related to feelings of the 'other' gender than as one's affirmed gender. This supports a non-binary model of gender, in which an individual can have feelings of the 'other' gender without reducing their feelings of being their affirmed gender.
::*Since a large proportion of "normative" participants experienced gender in a more complex way than the binary model would suggest, the authors "call for a new conceptualisation of gender identity, which emphasises and celebrates multiplicity and fluidity in the experience of gender identity."
::*Since even "normative" individuals scored highly on items that had previously been used to measure gender dysphoria, the authors concluded that  only discontent with one's sexed body, "which is by its very definition dysphoric", should be considered a sign of gender dysphoria - the rest are part of a normal and complex gender experience.
::*Correlations between sexual orientation and gender identity, where they were found, were small, and do not support the idea that "the heterosexual-homosexual binary constitutes, stabilises and naturalises the male-female binary".
::'''Published in:''' ''[http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rpse20#.VgKxnctViko Psychology and Sexuality]''
::'''Access:''' Institutional login required.
*''[http://link.springer.com/article/10.1007%2Fs10508-013-0099-8 Suicide Protective Factors Among Trans Adults]'' - Moody, C. &amp; [http://voyager.coe.uh.edu/dir/faculty_template.cfm?id=641 Smith, N. G.], 2013.
::;Summary:
<blockquote>An online survey of trans* and nonbinary adults was conducted. Participants were given a battery of questionnaires to assess Optimism, Perceived Social Support, Suicide Resilience, Reasons for Living, and Suicidal Behaviour. Regression analysis was used to determine which factors were predictive of lower suicidal behaviour.</blockquote>
::;Key Findings:
::*When asked about gender identity, 11.3% of participants answered under 'other' (identifying variously as: 'on the MTF/FTM spectrum'; 'genderqueer'; 'two-spirit'; '[[androgyne]]'; 'gender blender'; '[[bigender]]'; 'polygender/pangender'; 'Ft other'; 'gender bent'; '[[third gender]]'; or 'gender fucker').
::*Perceived social support from family, emotional stability, and child-related concerns as a reason for living were all found to be suicide protective factors. These have previously been found to function as protective factors in cisgender individuals.
::;Limitations:
::*Causal relationships cannot be assumed since cross-sectional data were used.
::*No comparison group was used.
::*The sample size was relatively small (133 participants).
::*Participation was limited to users of the [http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/LISTSERV LISTSERVs] through which the survey was distributed.
::*Since risk factors were not assessed, the mediating effects of the protective factors could not be analysed.
::*This was the first time these measures had been used in a trans*-only population; [http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Reliability_(psychometrics) reliability] and [http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Test_validity validity] have yet to be assessed for this population.
::;Implications for Future Research:
::*Future models should take both risk factors and protective factors into account.
::*[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Longitudinal_study Longitudinal designs] should be considered, although these may be unethical in practice.
::*Within-group differences need to be assessed; protective factors may differ between binary and nonbinary trans* people, between FAAB and MAAB individuals, and/or between trans* people of different racial backgrounds.
::*Protective factors that were not included in this study should also be explored.
::'''Published In:''' ''[http://link.springer.com/journal/10508 Archives of Sexual Behaviour]''
::'''Access:''' Open Access
::'''Content Note:''' Suicide.
==Neuroscience==
==Neuroscience==


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